By Mary Jones | Monday, December 16, 2024 | 5 min read
If Marco Rubio ends up becoming Donald Trump’s new Secretary of State next year, a major shakeup will hit Florida. Rubio’s Senate seat will open up, and under state rules, Governor Ron DeSantis will get to appoint a temporary replacement until a special election can be held.
But here’s where it gets interesting—reports say Trump has already called DeSantis with a suggestion. Trump wants the Senate seat to go to his own daughter-in-law, Lara Trump. Yes, the one married to Eric Trump, the blonde son.
This sort of family-first approach isn’t new for Trump, but it’s not just about Senate seats. Jobs that the president-elect is actually supposed to fill himself are following a similar trend, with a web of connections that would make a family tree look like a job board.
For example, Trump has tapped Tiffany Trump’s father-in-law as his senior adviser on the Middle East. Another pick? Jared Kushner’s dad—an ex-convict—to be the U.S. ambassador to France. It’s not every day we see a convicted felon stepping into that role, but here we are.
And that’s just the start. Trump is reportedly handing the critical role of hostage negotiations for the U.S. government to Jared Kushner’s college roommate. Let that one sink in.
Then there’s the curious case of Donald Trump Jr.’s ex-fiancée. Trump wants her to be the next ambassador to Greece. Why Greece? Who knows. Meanwhile, Trump’s pick for Surgeon General is related to the new National Security Advisor. The National Security Advisor is married to the Surgeon General’s sister. It’s all starting to feel like a giant political nesting doll.

It doesn’t stop there. Trump has chosen the brother-in-law of the new Transportation Secretary to serve as ambassador to the Dominican Republic. Coincidence? Probably not.
And then there’s the DEA. Trump’s pick to lead it is the son-in-law of an NFL team owner—a friend of Trump’s—whom Trump personally pardoned during his first term. This one, however, was a bridge too far. Facing backlash, that candidate has already pulled his name from consideration.
In any other administration, just one of these appointments would have triggered a political scandal. But with the Trump transition team, it’s a flood of news that feels impossible to process. And the appointments are just the beginning. Trump’s team is floating ideas that would dismantle critical pillars of American life:
- Get rid of the FDIC (the federal program that protects your bank deposits).
- Get rid of vaccines (yes, vaccines).
- Eliminate the Postal Service.
- Get rid of the National Weather Service.
At this point, it’s overwhelming. The sheer volume of people and policies, all seemingly unfit or alarming, creates a kind of mental fatigue. It’s like drinking from a fire hose. When everything feels like chaos, it’s hard to focus on any single thing—let alone figure out how to fight back.
But what can be done? How do we stay sharp, engaged, and strategic in the face of all this noise?
Snyder says the idea of oligarchy—rule by the rich and powerful—should not surprise us. “The ancient Greeks knew this would always be a problem for democracy. The wealthy consolidate their power, their propaganda, and their influence.” He draws comparisons to Russia in the 1990s, where a weak government allowed rich elites to fight among themselves and, in the process, break the state.
For Snyder, the consequences are clear: when government is captured by oligarchs, it stops serving the people. It no longer works to keep citizens safe, healthy, or prosperous. Instead, it serves only those who hold the most money and power.
“Americans like to think we’re special,” Snyder explains. “But oligarchs here have far more in common with oligarchs in other countries than they do with regular citizens. Look at the leaders Trump admires around the world. Those are countries where people live shorter lives, where they’re poorer, and where the government no longer functions effectively.”
So, What Can We Do?
Snyder believes there’s hope—but it requires strategy. “We need to stay positive,” he says, “not by pretending everything’s fine, but by providing clear, positive alternatives.” He argues for creating a kind of shadow cabinet—a group of experts who can step forward as credible alternatives to Trump’s choices.
For example, imagine having a respected public health expert ready to explain what the Surgeon General should be doing, or a seasoned diplomat outlining how hostage negotiations should work. These experts could provide real solutions and remind people that better options exist.
States also play a role in pushing back against oligarchy. “In some countries, the things American oligarchs do are illegal,” Snyder points out. He encourages states to look for ways to close loopholes, hold the ultra-wealthy accountable, and protect critical institutions.
It’s tempting to check out when the flood of chaos feels endless. But Snyder warns against this. “These people should not hold any position of power—period. And we need to say that loudly and clearly.”
He encourages Americans to categorize the threats. Some of Trump’s picks will damage the government out of incompetence. Others will do so because of ideology or conflicts of interest. And then there are those who, like certain billionaires, want to break the government to profit from its collapse.
Breaking it all down makes it easier to focus. Snyder urges us to think ahead, beyond the immediate chaos. What will the country look like in six months? What policies will need to be undone? How can we prepare now to rebuild?
“This is not just about avoiding catastrophe,” Snyder says. “It’s about imagining a better future.”
At the end of the day, that’s what we should focus on: not just resisting the worst-case scenarios, but also fighting for something better.
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